
CITIES IN A CHANGING WORLD:
QUESTIONS OF CULTURE, CLIMATE AND DESIGN - AMPS
Haunted Architecture and Shifting Perceptions: The Notion of Home in Post-Conflict Syrian Cities: Aleppo, Idlib and Raqqa.
Abstract:
Cities are prone to change when residents lose attachment to their properties and their sense of ‘home’ fades away. Contemporary post-war literature has focused on the relationship between physical destruction and the possibility of return, also on restitution strategies and the restoration of displaced populations. Yet, studies on the psychological damage of forced displacement and the ways in which the notion of home can cease to exist are scarce. Not much attention has been paid to the possibility that, when combined, the traumatic events and the different forms of loss caused by armed conflicts can collectively impact the functionality of urban housing sectors.
War-induced displacement is painful and traumatizing, even more when one’s home is dispossessed. This paper examines three cities in northern Syria – Aleppo, Idlib and Raqqa, which have registered the highest rates of destruction and displacement since the beginning of the Syrian War in 2011. In-depth semi-structured interviews with diverse samples are conducted, covering different locations, causes of forced displacement, and cases of confiscation. The data collected from these interviews is thematically coded. This is to outline the psychological factors -trauma, fear, or the sense of losing the right to the city- that may influence the desire to return to the original house that has been dispossessed and haunted by the disturbing memories of others, whether physical or immaterial.
The analysis of this data would help to review the impacts of the traumas caused by displacement and the use of one’s property by others, which can result in changes in personal perceptions and levels of attachment and eventually prevent internally and externally displaced populations from returning to their original homes. On a larger scale, evaluating the change in residents’ sense of belonging helps predict the ways in which it can alter urban dynamics, and impact entire cities, whether demographically, socially, or morphologically.
Keywords:
Housing, Confiscation, Post-Conflict, Displacement, Syria.
Introduction
Over 65 million people are forcibly displaced due armed conflicts. Studies have demonstrated that approximately 70 percent of war-displaced populations never return following conflict resolution. When discussing the possibility of return, there is a tendency to outline and report logistical obstacles, such as the lack of security, loss of legal documents and proofs of ownership, financial difficulties, destruction of houses and neighborhoods, etc. ,while the psychological impacts of war and forced displacement are rarely considered and often dismissed. Experiencing armed conflicts can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and depression, which may develop into aggressiveness, violence, addiction, and even suicide. Displacement, on the other hand, is associated with psychological impacts such as trauma and uprootedness, followed by anxiety, emotional suppression and adjustment disorders, which generates feelings of alienation and social exclusion, leading to self-isolation.
Back to the issue of return, the literature rarely touches on the loss of the sense of attachment and belonging as a by-product of displacement altogether, and the rejection of one's own former 'Home Sweet Home'. Moreover, not much attention has been paid to the possibility that, when combined, traumatic events and the different forms of loss caused by armed conflicts can collectively impact the functionality of the urban housing sector. Even if destroyed neighborhoods were entirely reconstructed as they were immediately before destruction, it would not be enough to restore the population due to the psychological pain related to the ruination and displacement. Cities are prone to change when residents lose attachment to their properties and their sense of ‘home’ fades away. In Aldo Rossi’s words: ‘the city itself is the collective memory of its people, and like memory it is associated with objects and places’.
This study tackles the Syrian case. The Syrian War (2011 - present) has resulted in the destruction of over 3 million residences, and the displacement of around 13 million people, which adds up to half of the country's pre-war population. Of which, 6.7 million were internally displaced and 6.6 million sought refuge in 43 countries. The influence of armed conflict on these displacements was either direct, including the destruction of properties, insecurity and the fear of shelling and bombing, fear of prosecution, threats and orders of evacuation, confiscation or seizure of property, and personal traumas such as the death of a family member, or indirect, such as the need to be closer to family, uncertainty, searching for better conditions, loss of jobs, disruption of education, etc..
Based on previous international cases, around 3 to 4 million people are expected to return to Syria once the conflict ends. By the year 2020, the Russian Centre for Reconciliation of Opposing Sides and Refugee Migration Monitoring has documented the return of over 800 thousand of the externally displaced and over 1.3 million of the internally displaced. It also reported the desire of around 1.3 million to return to Syria.
The possibility of return is quite challenging, especially for those externally displaced which may fear prosecution or be concerned about the lack of security and services, the inefficiency of legislative frameworks of restoration and development, or the lack or loss of proof of ownership. However, this study is more focused on the psychological factors that might impede the decision and/or desire to return. From the micro to the macro, it investigates and attempts to measure the change in personal perceptions and levels of attachment to the ‘original house’ - i.e., the former ‘home’, as well as to understand the circumstances that are implied the change in the relationship. On a larger scale, this would help to measure the demographic, social, morphological impacts on cities and to predict the ways in which their urban dynamics could be altered.
Focusing on the Syrian context, the notion of ‘home’ has a rich meaning that exceeds the physical space of dwelling - which could be changed over time and during several phases of life. As in many Middle Eastern cities, besides the physical aspect, the notion of ‘home’ also relates to history, family, practices and rituals, and economy and social status. While the material aspect can be a cultural product related to local identity, especially in the case of historic city centers, this is also passed on through generations. It is preserved and valued as a family heirloom. It can also be built by ancestors, which gives it extra value. Family is another key aspect with strong familial ties seen in eastern cultures. Traditional houses in Syria can accommodate three to four generations at once. The house is a container of social dynamics and cultural practices, where religious rituals and social events and celebrations took place. Thus, Syrians spend most of their time at home. Accordingly, the notion of home is both related to history and memory. Modernity implied new housing typologies added to the existing housing. While houses became smaller and accommodated less people, most practices continued to be held at home. Despite not necessarily being an heirloom, the relationship with the house remained strong as the majority houses in Syria are owned by their residents. This strong and direct financial relationship is an important aspect to be considered when the property, or access to it, is lost. Collectively, the mentioned aspects usually impose a high sense of attachment, that could turn loss into an excruciatingly painful experience.
As they have registered the highest rates of destruction and displacement since the beginning of the Syrian War in 2011, this study is focused on the three cities of Aleppo, Idlib, and Raqqa. While they all are major cities in Northern Syria, they feature communities of different ideologies and political views and have witnessed different scenarios of conflict and displacement. Accordingly, combining these cases would allow us to assess the notion of home away from political polarization.
Selected discussion:
A Virtual Intention to Return: Return is a Lie
Drawing on the whole investigation - structured by a set of questions that reflect feelings and thoughts - return as a concept is assessed. Emotion-based questions were used as an introductory approach to the questionnaire. The respondents are asked decision-making questions as a check up to their emotional disclosure. On this account, the intention to return is evaluated as a narrative of the overall previous interpretations.
Regarding attachment, out of the 147 respondents, 41.5 % are still strongly- attached to their home (answered with 10 out of 10 on the scale of attachment), while regarding memories, 76.3 % still visualize their home as full of beautiful memories. To understand any correlation between desire and action, these percentages are projected on the possibility to return. 14.3% of the respondents confirmed that they already returned to their original homes, and 13.6% considered this as a satisfying ending to their displacement. On the other hand, although 31.3% of the respondents ‘wish’ to return to the original home and 89.1% kept checking on their houses regularly, shockingly, (58.5 %) expressed their desire for a new beginning and a new home away from the original, (27.9%) want this new beginning to be outside Syria, and 12.2 % shared their intention to sell their homes.
While it is evident that the original house is still valuable to most of the respondents and that they wish to return, their plan for a new start contradicts their intentions. This contradiction between feelings, intentions, and actions can refer to multiple reasons. One of them is trauma. An indicator of trauma is the excessive checking on the state of the house, reported by 46.3%, which can be related to anxiety. Yet, it is not correlated with any desire to return. This led us to the conclusion that return is in fact a false intention.
Conclusion
On the scale of the original house, the overlapping of the faded attachment, traumatic memories, haunted homes by what is missed and lost, the use of the original house by others, all lead to major shifts in perceptions towards it. Consequently, this suggests a high possibility of an irreclaimable relationship between what was considered to be a ‘home’ and its owner. Hence, leaving the original house behind, nominates it, even if destroyed, to be the starting point of a wider change on the city scale demographically and socially.
